“The biggest shift in consciousness? I’d say it began in 2026. Really took off by 2028. That’s when the working-class vote for the far right started to collapse. For years, millions of people—especially white workers—were pushed into voting for reactionaries because of fear: fear of immigrants, fear of minorities, fear of losing control. Combine that with a deep and very often justified distrust of the Democratic Party, and what you got was Trumpism. But by the end of the decade that spell started breaking.” The Wind Cries Freedom: An Oral History of the Next American Revolution, by Michael Albert, p. 467
Michael Albert has written a visionary, comprehensive, thought-provoking, and forward-looking book, The Wind Cries Freedom, about how, beginning right around now, during the Trump Two/resistance to Trump times, an independent and progressive national movement that came to represent millions successfully overcame, over time, billionaire and backward-looking, corrupt power. In his book, by 2052 a Revolutionary Participatory Society is both the name of the massive national organization which had that as its objective and which functioned in a way consistent with that name. He tells the story through interviews with 18 imaginary RPS leaders and members who explain their personal motives, means, methods, debates, feelings, and choices as part of RPS.
Being consistent in how it functioned and how it related to the masses of people in the USA is a major theme throughout the book, “affirming a new kind of politics—rooted in solidarity, but also in joy and dignity.” p. 20 “You have to communicate in ways that people not already on your side can actually hear. That means not only presenting logical and well-supported arguments, but also approaching others with dignity and empathy.” p. 77 “RPS sought to cultivate a different ethos—one based on mutual respect, constructive engagement, and an affirmation of diverse contributions.” p. 109
This very different approach to politics was consciously reflected in how the RPS functioned: “Transparency was essential. Leadership roles had to be open to scrutiny, recallable, and regularly updated. Any deviation from openness, whether for security reasons or otherwise, had to bear a heavy burden of justification. Members [of RPS] needed the power to recall representatives they believed failed to reflect their interests, and internal disputes needed resolution processes that were constructive rather than punitive.” p. 160
Workplace, community and issue-based organizing, as well as nonviolent direct action and mass demonstrations, were a major part of the day-to-day activism of RPS and its members, but electoral activity was also portrayed as important, although it “should be approached with care and evaluated case by case.” p. 164 When it came to elections, it was seen that: “the main benefits were that running could facilitate outreach to new audiences, raise consciousness, and boost morale. Winning could gain access to resources to help win more gains in the future.” p. 424
How should working people be paid in this new society? “RPS says that a person should get income—really, their share of society’s total output—based on the duration, intensity, and onerousness of the socially valued work they do. Work longer? Harder? Under worse conditions? Do it usefully? Then yes, you get more. . . You should get compensated for your effort and sacrifice. That’s the rule.” p. 259 “The RPS view—compensate people for how long and hard and harshly they work at something others value—isn’t just ethical. It’s also operational. It gives you the tools to be fair, not just the desire.” p. 261
Albert spends a good bit of time addressing the issue of leadership. “There’s something natural and deeply human about leadership. Someone has to take the first step, speak the first word, make the first suggestion. That act of stepping forward can be vital. It can open space for others and shine a light on the road ahead. But too often leadership becomes something else. Too often, it becomes hierarchy. It becomes elitism. It becomes rule.” p. 399 “We asked [some problematic leaders] to shift their focus. Don’t just solve the problem—help others learn how to solve it. Don’t always be the answer—help others become the source of answers. That’s what true leadership looks like in a democratic movement. . . The key insight was this: leadership must be judged by those around the leader—not by the leader themselves.” p. 401
There is much, much more in this long book, 480 pages long. In a number of respects, the book is a kind of resource. There are many other issues that are dealt with in some way, some for a full chapter or even more, where what is laid out is how the process of positive societal change was furthered in schools, hospitals, cities, religious institutions, the criminal judicial system, the media, and more. Issues dealt with include how to deal with government repression, climate change, race/class/gender/intersectionality, activism by actors and athletes, and war and militarism.
Michael Albert has given us an important, comprehensive series of ideas grounded in decades of “good trouble” work, ideas on how we can build upon the nationwide progressive resistance to Trumpism, turn things around, and just keep going. Thank you, Michael.